Results tagged “Department of Justice”

November 4, 2016 11:09 AM

Why Is DoJ Siding Against Consumers in its DirecTV Complaint?

On Wednesday of this week (11/02), the Antitrust Division of the U.S. Department of Justice ("DoJ") sued AT&T arguing that its DirecTV subsidiary was the "ringleader of information sharing agreements" among rivals that "corrupted" competition among rivals to carry the Dodgers' cable TV channel. Complaint at para 2.  According to the DoJ, this is the primary reason that Dodgers' fans in L.A.--living outside of Time Warner Cable's ("TWC") service area have not been able to watch Dodgers' games since the 2013 season.

Unfortunately, the DoJ seems dangerously unaware of findings by a federal court--in an antitrust case on the exact same subject matter being litigated during the same time frame as the facts in the DoJ complaint--that the exclusive sports distribution contracts (that raise consumer rates) may well be the more obvious Sherman Act violation. When we know what DirecTV knew--as a defendant to that litigation--we can better understand why the DoJ could not be more wrong in this case.

L.A. Regional Sports Networks ("RSNs")

Until 2011, Fox Sports was the leading RSN in the L.A. area.  It had two channels, one of which distributed games of the Lakers, Kings, and the Anaheim Angels, and the other of which distributed the games of the Clippers, Dodgers, and Anaheim Ducks. 

But, as Fox's contract with the Lakers was ending in 2011, TWC swooped in and paid $3 billion for the rights to broadcast the Lakers' non-national games for the next 20 years.  As DoJ recounts in its complaint, TWC raised the prices to carry the Lakers (as a standalone channel) well above any range of what any of the other pay TV distributors considered fair value. DoJ Complaint paras. 29-39.
 
In 2013, Guggenheim Partners paid an unheard of $2.15 billion for the Los Angeles Dodgers baseball team ("Dodgers").   The private equity investors then turned around and sold the exclusive rights to distribute Dodgers' games--in the form of a dedicated "Dodgers channel"--to TWC for an even-more-unheard-of price of $8.3 billion.

Reportedly, TWC never budged on its demands, that every pay TV distributor (i.e., competitors and other cable/satellite companies), would have to pay it--on a per-subscriber basis for the rights to broadcast Dodgers games--regardless of how many of these distributor's customers want to watch the games.  Until Wednesday, the narrative was that TWC's "unmitigated disaster" of a deal showed that perhaps there was some limit to the ever skyrocketing costs of sports programming.

DoJ to TWC's Rescue

The DoJ contends that DirecTV privately told other pay TV companies that it was not going to pay TWCs outrageous demands. The DoJ argues that, but for this exchange of information, TWC's competitors, and other pay TV distributors in the L.A. Dodgers home market, would have been happy to pay (and pass along to their consumers) the supra-monopoly prices being demanded by TWC.

Bizarrely, DoJ contrasts the "anticompetitive" situation of today with an earlier--presumably "competitive"--negotiation period, in which TWC (as the new RSN for the Lakers) extorts a price from Cox Communications' subscribers of "60% more" than Cox's internal analysis indicated the content was worth. Complaint at para. 36. No, the DoJ's thinking is that if cable companies aren't just spending their customers' money and passing through rate increases, then something illegal is afoot.

The fact, though, is that the vertical distribution contracts--which are responsible for the sports programming price increases (that  DoJ is incomprehensibly fighting for)--were under antitrust scrutiny, and coming up short, throughout the relevant time period covered by the DoJ suit.  After looking at these contracts in the light of antitrust precedent, we can truly appreciate just how wrong the DoJ was to go after the victim--and not the cause--of spiraling sports programming costs.

Consumers Fight Anticompetitive RSN Contracts

In 2012, consumers filed class action antitrust lawsuits against the MLB and the NHL in the Southern District of New York. See, e.g., Laumann v. NHL, et al. and Garber v. Office of the Commissioner of Baseball, et al., 907 F. Supp.2d. 462 (SDNY 2012).  These cases squarely attacked the contracts at the heart of the exclusive "home television territory" ("HTT") distribution model.  Specifically, consumers alleged that the contracts between the teams, MLB (and the NHL), and the RSNs of DirecTV and Comcast, illegally restricted competition in the broadcasting/streaming markets because these agreements also restrict the right of the "away" team--a non-party to these contracts--to sell its own broadcast feed to anyone in the HTT area of another RSN.
 
MLB fans can only watch games of their "home team" by purchasing a cable package from the RSN (or a distributor of the RSN, such as AT&T, Verizon FiOS, or a satellite or cable company).  Fans of other teams could only watch the games of out-of-market teams by purchasing an out-of-market package ("OMP") from the leagues (for streaming customers) or from the RSN (distributing on behalf of the leagues).

The plaintiffs' successfully argued (at every pre-trial stage) that the complicated web of contracts between the teams, the leagues, and DirecTV and Comcast (which prevented a non-party to the contract (i.e., any "away team") from selling its own independently-produced feed of the game to any fan in any part of the country) were "contracts . . . in restraint of trade" in violation of the Sherman Act.  The plaintiffs' contention was that, but for these contracts, fans could purchase the away-team feeds of games on an "a la carte" basis, even if they did not want to buy home team's cable package.

The Case History/Court Findings

Throughout the case, DirecTV and Comcast (in the same role as TWC in the DoJ case), vigorously argued at every possible stage that, as the RSNs, they were merely accepting terms set forth by the Leagues and that they did not benefit from the exclusivity--and the higher-than-competitive consumer prices--that this exclusivity produced.  The court rejected this argument in both the defendant's motions to dismiss in 2012 (opinion) and their motions for summary judgment in 2014 (opinion).

The court explained that,

evidence that the Television Defendants would not have entered the contracts at the prices prescribed but for the territorial restrictions, is sufficient evidence from which a fact finder could infer a tacit horizontal agreement among the RSNs and MVPDs

See, Opinion Denying Defendant's Motions for Summary Judgment, at 50 (emphasis added). Further, in rejecting the defendant's motions for summary judgment, the court found,

The clubs in each League have entered an express agreement to limit competition between the clubs - and their broadcaster affiliates - based on geographic territories. There is also evidence of a negative impact on the output, price, and perhaps even quality of sports programming.
See, Id. at 30/57.

In May of 2015, the court certified the plaintiff's class to go forward to trial in order to seek injunctive relief, but not money damages, because there was no common monetary impact among the class members. This decision pretty much guaranteed that the case would settle, which it did, on the eve of trial, earlier this year.  The settlement agreement, unfortunately, leaves intact the geographic market exclusivity, which, in turn, ensures that sports content costs will continue to spiral.

To What End?

In many ways, this is/was the perfect case for an antitrust enforcement agency to bring--meritorious, but without the profit potential to ensure the efficacy of private enforcement. However, there is no evidence the DoJ was even aware of this antitrust litigation.

So, instead of taking up the consumer's side, the DoJ chose to sue on behalf of conduct that a United States District Court has already characterized as "express agreement[s] to limit competition between the clubs - and their broadcaster affiliates - based on geographic territories" and their corresponding "evidence of a negative impact on the output, price, and perhaps even quality of sports programming." It is sad that the DoJ didn't follow antitrust developments in this field closely enough to know that agreements which result in distributors paying 60% premiums over value is the result of a "corruption of competition"--rather than competition itself.

Finally, it is interesting to consider that, until several months ago, DirecTV had every reason to believe that a court would be likely to find that its RSN contracts were an illegal restraint of trade.  How ironic that, having dodged a bullet with respect to its RSN agreements, DirecTV would find itself the target of another lawsuit for not agreeing to pay the most anti-consumer RSN contract in America!


April 17, 2013 5:13 PM

The DoJ's FCC Alley-Oop

At the end of last week and in advance of Assistant Attorney General for Antitrust William Baer's appearance before the Senate Judiciary Committee yesterday, the DoJ's Antitrust Division filed an ex parte submission with the FCC offering some serious advice on how to conduct (read: limit participation in) a spectrum auction--specifically, the next spectrum auction.  

The Department's "advice" contained all the acuity, but none of the profanity (and occasional hilarity), of a drunken sports heckler (like Bud Light's Mr. Pro Sports Heckler Guy).  Until I read the DoJ ex parte, I had no idea as to what might be the regulatory equivalent of "catch the ball", "make the basket", or "play defense, you idiots."  Now I know.

The Department's "advice," while generally a meandering discussion of points not in contention, such as the DoJ's horizontal merger analysis and the many benefits of competition, also included such "game changing" spectrum auction tips as "protect competition", "don't award spectrum to buyers that won't use it efficiently", and "spectrum below 1 GHz is cheaper for smaller competitors to use."  

If You're Not Low, You Must Be High

The one "point" the Department puts on its relatively general discourse is its belief that to be successful on a nationwide basis a carrier needs some low frequency spectrum in order to efficiently serve rural areas and to provide service that works inside of buildings.  The DoJ notes that the two "leading" wireless carriers (AT&T and Verizon) have a large amount of low frequency spectrum, but Sprint and T-Mobile have little to none of this spectrum.  

By making this assertion (I would guess?), the DoJ wants us to conclude that "low frequency spectrum" is the only thing distinguishing the leaders from the laggards in wireless market share.  The only reason AT&T and Verizon have the most low frequency spectrum is because, the DoJ explains, they pay a lot more for low frequency spectrum in order to prevent Sprint and T-Mobile from using it.  

The DoJ warns that this trend should be expected to continue into the next spectrum auction as well.  Why the next auction?  Because the next auction is for LOW frequency spectrum, and this is the kind that AT&T and Verizon only buy in order to keep away from Sprint and T-Mobile.   

A Low-Down Dirty Shame

If Sprint and T-Mobile did have some low frequency spectrum, they would totally be able to build it out and offer better service to rural areas and inside of buildings, and thereby steal share from AT&T and Verizon.  But, even if they didn't actually use the spectrum, Sprint and T-Mobile should still be able to gain share because AT&T and Verizon would provide worse service without this spectrum, right?  Either way . . . it's cool, says DoJ.   

You see what they're doing here?  First, you establish that a firm's "success" in terms of market share, or whatever other benchmark you like, is critically dependent on one specific input.  Next, you pick an industry characterized by a shortage of this key input that affects all firms--like wireless--and you're almost home.

Then, postulate that some companies have greater access to the scarce input than their rivals, and the conclusion falls into place.  You see?  The input-favored companies can benefit even if they don't use all of their superior access to inputs to increase output.  This is because they know that their competitors cannot increase output to steal customers from the input-favored firms.  Stick to the basic format, and this argument always works. Cool, huh?  

If the FCC adopts rules that exclude AT&T and Verizon from the next auction, you can bet that they'll be using an iteration of this same argument on their appeal.  But, if DoJ's argument is that transparent, and that malleable, why are they using it now?  

The FCC Lobs . . . And DoJ Dunks!

First, let's dispel any lingering suspicion you may have that the DoJ is offering its theories based on any observable facts.  If AT&T and Verizon were merely warehousing low frequency spectrum to keep their rivals down, the simple way to check would be to see if they're using it.

Let's just assume that both AT&T and Verizon have been using the 850-900 MHz spectrum since the FCC first handed it out to their predecessor companies in the 1980's.  After all, they didn't get to be the two largest companies by not using their "first mover" spectrum.  So, what about all the other low frequency spectrum?

"All the other" low frequency spectrum would be the 700 MHz spectrum that AT&T and Verizon purchased in 2008.  The companies claim to have needed the spectrum to accommodate the very predictable surge in demand for wireless data services.  And, according to no less venerable a source than Wikipedia, AT&T and Verizon are, in fact, using their 700 MHz spectrum to roll out their fancy LTE service, for their fancy data-loving, bandwidth-hogging LTE customers.  So, why is the DoJ insinuating otherwise?

Well, as near as I can tell, low frequency spectrum just became a "thing" in the FCC's NPRM from 6 months ago, where they solicited comments on whether the Commission should change its spectrum screen to account for the perceived greater value of low frequency spectrum.  So, if I had to guess, I would say that the FCC's been waiting for 6 months for some big player to take the low frequency "lob" they put up with the NPRM and slam-dunk it home--and the DoJ is that big playa'.

Lebron dunk.jpgDoJ . . . with no regard for human life!

So, do you think any Senators called out William Baer on this at the oversight hearing yesterday?  According to the trade press, the ranking member of the Antitrust Subcommittee, Senator Mike Lee (R-UT), expressed concern that the Department was suggesting to the FCC that AT&T and Verizon were warehousing spectrum.  You bet he did--because us Lees just happen to know a f@$k-ton of stuff about telecom and antitrust.
September 7, 2011 1:21 PM

Sprint's Gambit: The Whale No Hesitate

A couple weeks ago, I explained how Sprint's "go for broke" gambit produces the most favorable outcome for Sprint, with regard to the AT&T/T-Mobile merger. I must be Sprint's good luck charm, because the day after I published that post, Sprint announced it would be getting the new version of the iPhone at the same time as AT&T and Verizon.  

A week later, Sprint got half of what they were looking for when the DoJ filed suit to challenge the proposed AT&T/T-Mobile acquisition.  Yesterday, if there were any doubters about Sprint's optimal outcome, Sprint announced its intention to keep those gains by filing their own private antitrust suit to enjoin the merger.  Copy of Complaint here.

To hear Sprint's CEO talk, or read their pleadings, Sprint is very small in the marketplace. But around here, they call Sprint the "Whale", because they're a big boy in Washington.  Everything they do is CRAZY BIG!!  When they heard Justice was suing to enjoin the AT&T/T-Mobile merger, Sprint went all in.  You know what I'm talking about, right Coco?



Let's take a look at what Sprint's "won" so far, and the risks that they still face before entering the capacity-constrained "promised land" of 4G with the largest cache of excess capacity.  

The Beautiful Genius of Sprint's Gambit

The Guidelines are designed to limit "artificial" output restrictions by firms with market power, but Sprint has successfully convinced the government that the concentration figures in the Guidelines should be applied rigidly (in this instance) to prevent any of the largest 3 firms from quickly expanding capacity by purchasing it from the 4th largest firm (which is both capital and spectrum constrained).  

In other words, Sprint understood AT&T's data capacity constraints in a much more real sense than any regulator could possibly understand.  Consequently, by persuading the government to challenge the merger, Sprint can possibly compel an output restriction by one, if not two, of the remaining firms providing advanced wireless data services.  

By persuading the government that "raw", undeveloped spectrum (which could hit the market in several years) is interchangeable with "working capacity", which can be easily diverted to address present excess consumer demand. Said differently, the beauty of Sprint's advocacy was that they have commandeered the tools of the Guidelines to defeat the purpose of the Guidelines.  

How Justice Advanced Sprint's Gambit

First, the one big advantage Sprint gained was moving the merger decision out of the hands of the FCC, and into court with the Antitrust Division.  This is important, because the only winner in Sprint's Gambit is Sprint.  When other merger opponents realized this, they would have been arguing for merger conditions that allowed smaller, regional firms to become more powerful competitors to Sprint.  

Approval of the proposed merger, subject to significant divestitures is a threat to Sprint.  Not only is it possible that many markets would "de-concentrate" and become more competitive due to acquisitions by known participants, but large divestitures might open the door for another large telco (for example, a CenturyLink type company) to gain a toe-hold in wireless.

Second, Sprint wins by getting the DoJ to commit to its 2010 Guidelines concentration numbers for purposes of analyzing this, and perhaps future wireless transactions.  This represents a potentially significant departure from past analyses, because it has the effect of making the smaller competitors acquisition targets (because they have limited growth ceilings), rather than marketplace threats.  For Sprint, the oligopoly is the finish line--it doesn't matter who's left in the market, as long as existing firms will be leaving, and new firms won't be entering.

Third, Sprint--through the DoJ--has succeeded in reducing competition by creating artificial exit barriers. In other words, firms that invest, obtain a measure of success, and then seek to leave the market would now be required to "pay" a "penalty" (accept less than the fair value of their enterprise) in order to get their investment out.  So, assuming there is a firm large enough to buy T-Mobile as an ongoing competitor (say China Mobile), and continue to invest in T-Mobile, the Department would minimize that risk for Sprint by declaring T-Mobile to be a "liquidity trap."

The Risks: The Whale No Hesitate--Sprint Goes All-In

Why did Sprint file its own, almost identical, antitrust case?  We know that it won't be consolidated with the DoJ case, because--as noted in the 8/23 post--only the Government represents consumers and competition.  Sprint, unlike the Government, needs to allege a Sprint-specific injury, which it makes only the vaguest attempt at asserting in a scant, vague 5 paragraphs at the end.  Sprint's goal is not to win, but to have a voice in the settlement of the case.

First, Sprint needs this litigation to have a zero-sum outcome, and they've drawn a judge that is known for moving the litigation along.  So, the worst case for Sprint is that Justice settles.  Why?  Because the likely result would be a stronger T-Mo/AT&T competitor plus amped up competition from U.S. Cellular, Metro PCS and Leap who would likely be the beneficiaries of significant divestitures. So even though Sprint's complaint will eventually be dismissed for lack of standing, the presence of the complaint is designed to put added pressure on DOJ not to settle.    

Remember, if Justice wins the case, they only enjoin the deal as structured.  AT&T can withdraw its existing merger application at any time and come back with a new deal with DT.  Because of this omnipresent possibility, it may be the case that, paradoxically, the best outcome for Sprint would be to keep the litigation going if it looks like AT&T will "win." In that sense Sprint's filing is tactical, not substantive.

Second, Sprint's interest foreshadows that Sprint sees a significant role for itself in any Tunney Act proceedings to evaluate any settlement of the DoJ/AT&T litigation.  (The Tunney Act requires the DoJ to put out all DoJ antitrust settlements for public comment and that a court review the settlement to ensure that it adequately addresses the concerns identified in the complaint.)  This is the big risk that Sprint has overplayed its hand and will provoke a "fix it first" solution wherein the litigation is dismissed, the transaction is restructured so AT&T gets the capacity it needs, and DT gets a fair price for the assets that will go to strengthen smaller competitors.


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